political

How Margaret Thatcher really won in 1979 – and why it isn’t a role model for a Corbyn-led Labour Party

1979 is now a long time ago. But like 1945 its political lessons – or supposed lessons (including for the Lib Dems) – still echo, feeling relevant to very contemporary questions.

At first glance, the lesson of 1979 is that Jeremy Corbyn could be an electorally successful leader of the Labour Party. After all, didn’t Margaret Thatcher disdain the centre ground, set out her principles and drag the country towards her end of the political spectrum? And didn’t Labour fail because it went for mushy centre-ground blandness as captured in this cartoon of the time:

What’s more if you dig back into the 1970s, Thatcher when Leader of the Opposition was often criticised as not being up to the job of being Prime Minister or even an effective Leader of the Opposition. So brush aside criticisms of Corbyn, set out your principles and drag the country leftwards, yup?

Aside from the unfortunate echo of Ed Miliband in all that (no, those stones didn’t end up in Downing Street), it also misunderstands how the Conservative Party really won in 1979.

First, it was primarily about competence not ideology. It’s no coincidence that the most memorable Conservative Party posters and TV broadcasts were not about right-wing policies or their principles but about Labour failing to get the basics of economic competence right.

This poster wasn’t about moving the country to the right, it was about highlighting Labour’s incompetence:
Labour Isn't Working billboard poster

Or read this extract from one of the 1979 Conservative party political broadcasts:

Yes, technically, this is a Party Political Broadcast on behalf of the Conservative Party. But tonight I don’t propose to use the time to make party political points. I do not think you would want me to do so.

The crisis that our country faces is too serious for that. And it is our country, the whole nation, that faces this crisis, not just one party or even one government. This is no time to put party before country. I start from there.

Of course there are major political differences between the parties, just as there are between many of you sitting at home. But I believe there are some things which should not divide us…

If the present crisis has taught us anything it has surely taught us that we have to think of others as well as ourselves; that no-one, however strong his case, is entitled to pursue it by hurting others.

There are wreckers among us who don’t believe this. But the vast majority of us, and that includes the vast majority of trade unionists, do believe it, whether we call ourselves Labour, Conservative, Liberal—or simply British.

It is to that majority that I am talking this evening. We have to learn again to be one nation, or one day we shall be no nation. If we have learnt that lesson from these first dark days of 1979, then we have learnt something of value.

This was tacking to the centre ground, not to the extremes. As Anthony King wrote in 1981:

The major policy document of the Thatcher period in opposition, The Right Approach, bore a striking resemblance, not just in its title, to the equivalent documents of Heath’s opposition years, Putting Britain Right Ahead and Make Life Better … [although in part this is because] the policies on which Edward Heath and his colleagues fought the 1970 election were far more “Thatcherite” than is often now remembered.

The idea that Mrs Thatcher’s election was seen as being about competence and moderation will doubtless have some people reaching for their CAPS LOCK key, supply of excessive punctuation marks and list of insults… but if that’s you, then you’re letting dislike of the Tories get in the way of understanding how they really won.

There was certainly plenty of talk about how the Conservatives wanted a clear break from the past, to change as they say it decades of decline, but this was not an overall political message presented to the public about a strident move to the right. Hence Peregrine Worsthone’s remarkably inaccurate prediction.

Indeed, as The British General Election of 1979 points outs, there was no swing to the right during the campaign amongst voters when it came to issues such as public spending and tax levels. And above all the Tories won because Labour lost – due to being seen as incompetent. Callaghan was a nice man, but his government was shambolic in the views of the public who gave the Tories the majority.

Competence (or valence) and appealing to voters on the grounds where they are, rather than striking off in a completely different direction, are what won it for Margaret Thatcher in 1979.

By contrast, Jeremy Corbyn’s message for the Labour Party is one which disdains the idea that economic competence is a difficult or important issue and his track record is not of interest it the issues at the heart of voters’ concerns but of interests in those at the edges.

The leadership he offers isn’t the left-wing version of what won it from the Tories in 1979.

 

A footnote on what this means for the Liberal Democrats: as I’ve written elsewhere, the Liberal Democrats needs to build a much bigger core vote, and do so by being clear about our beliefs. Part of that has to be about winning on valance – showing competence and an ability to deliver on widely-shared objectives, such as a better health service and a strong economy. Part of it too is about liberalism – showing how it is the right way to solve the problems that most concern voters, such as by cutting crime through rehabilitation and by applying humanity to immigration. Liberal competence on the issues which matter the most to voters would be the mirror image of what won it for the Conservatives in 1979.

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